zung depression scale: Islamic feminism

Showing posts with label Islamic feminism. Show all posts

Showing posts with label Islamic feminism. Show all posts

Amina Wadud's "Inside the Gender Jihad"

Wadud, Amina. Inside the Gender Jihad: Women's Reform in Islam. Oxford: Oneworld, 2008.

Amina Wadud, a convert to Islam, received her B.S. from the University of Pennsylvania in 1975, her MA. in Near Eastern Studies, and her PhD. in Arabic and Islamic Studies from the University of Michigan in 1988. During graduate school, she studied advanced Arabic in Egypt at the American University in Cairo, along with Quranic studies and tafsir (exegesis) at Cairo University; she also took a Philosophy course at Al-Azhar University in Cairo. She received full professorship of Islamic Studies at Virginia Commonwealth University and is currently (2010) a visiting professor at the Center for Religious and Cross Cultural Studies at Gadjah Mada University in Indonesia.

An earnest condemnation of patriarchy within Islam, the book wages jihad (war) against gender prejudices that are rooted in patriarchal interpretations of the Quran. Wadud includes in her book her personal struggle with the consequences of the mixed-gender prayer she led in 2005, concluding that the insults and imprecations she continues receiving are a result of the male hegemony and privilege that have dominated intellectual discourses in Islam; the fact that women have been the objects, not discussants, in discourses on shariah, Islamic law,says a lot, she asserts. It is precisely for this reason that she impugns the literalist, narrow, and static interpretations of Islam. She reminds her Muslim readers that Islam came in order to establish justice, which she believes is defined differently by each individual, contending that it is men who bestow full justice to men who limit it on women. The author notes that the term “Islam” is attached to arguments by Muslims so that the interlocutors may gain legitimacy and authority and to prohibit others from dissenting. Wadud’s book is an attempt to contribute to the future development of Islam as a system of social justice that acts in accordance with the Islam that is just and not bound by any unjust interpretations that deny women their Islamic rights, which include direct involvement in dialogues held about the readings of Islamic scriptures in order to establish the shariah.

Islamic Law and Women - Part I: Introduction

I'm currently writing a paper on Islamic feminism and Islamic law, and so I'm reading what I find very troubling things in Islamic law, such as early Muslim scholars'/jurists' view of women, particularly in marriage. Understandably, the concept and role of marriage back then were much different than what they are today for at least the western world, and so when we come across views that deem marriage a sort of a kingdom that's headed by the husband (king) and the wife is not the queen but the caretaker of that kingdom (household), we get upset. But this isn't actually what I'm troubled by: it's how the jurists saw me (a woman) as almost completely incapable of making a decision on my own because I lack the intellect to do so. I'll give many examples of this in the upcoming posts, which will be a series of posts on Islamic law and women, but for now, lemme give you a brief intro to what I'm doing and where I'm hoping to get with this.

Some years ago, my sister and a (Muslim) classmate of hers were having a discussion on some aspect of Islamic law. When she expressed a difference of opinion, the classmate asked her, “Have you ever read Islamic law?” – as though Islamic law is a sourcebook that you can turn to, a book at all, or a guide, something that answers all of your questions.

(Un)fortunately, this is not the case: Islamic law is not a sourcebook; it is not published or codified in one text, and it does not have answers to all of our questions. Yes, it may have answers – but if anything, they go like this: “Well, according to Scholar X, this is the case, but according to Scholar Y, this is the case.” In other words, one really can’t argue that there’s one fixed solution or answer to question problem or question. And despite the claim that the doors of ijtihad have been closed since the 10^th century (ijtihad = independent reasoning, or re-interpretations of a certain or all Islamic rules/guidelines, even the Qur’an), Muslim scholars have discussed the same issues – and offered different viewpoints, often contradicting each others’ – from the 7^th century until today. Yes, the doors to ijtihad are believed to have been closed, but that doesn’t mean the debates have been closed, and many scholars see the illogicality in this claim and thus refuse to submit to it, refuse to let it silence their thoughts.

Islam’s Sources - what "Islam" actually is
We are always told that Islam = the Qur’an and hadiths, that the Qur’an is the first, ultimate source of Islam and then come the hadiths. In reality, however, this isn't completely true. The Qur’an plays a very minor role in our lives and in Islamic law, and I think this is because the Qur’an is very ambiguous and extremely difficult to understand. This isn’t to say that the scholars/jurists never did understand it – no, they did. But most of their opinions (which later became Islamic law) are not grounded in the Qur’an, most of the discussions they held among each other and that they wrote down were practical issues that came up and needed to be addressed. Unfortunately for most of those issues, they became the norms of Islamic law and now, one is not allowed to disagree with those opinions of the scholars that became majority at that time.

So, what exactly is "Islam" or Islam's sources? Mostly the early (and partially the medieval) Muslim jurists' opinions, to a lesser extent the hadiths, and to an even much lesser extent, the Qur'an. To believe that Islam = Qur'an is completely untrue, and it's not even mostly hadiths. I cannot and I am not dismissing the merit of these scholars, however: I acknowledge their intelligence, often their humility (but not always), and the extreme care they took while forming opinions. So their opinions aren't "just" opinions -- they are the basis of Islamic law. They are, in fact, facts.

I’ll give many examples in upcoming posts, but for now, consider this.

What does the Qur’an say about the whole “eye for an eye” issue? One would think it’s very clear and easy to comprehend – I mean, all there is to it is that you do onto others what they do onto you (unless you choose to forgive them, which is the better option and God will reward you for your patience and forgiveness), right? Wrong. If that’s so, then why is it an entirely different story in Islamic law? Islamic law looks at the gender, social ranking (class, status), religion, freedom or its lack thereof, age of the person killed. This becomes especially important when the blood money is concerned – i.e., when the victim decides to forgive the perpetrator but still demand some sort of recompense for the damage caused.

You know how the scholars (and ordinary Muslims) tell us that the whole “eye for an eye” doesn’t imply in cases where the effects might be worse for the initiator? For example, if Person A pokes Person B in the eye and his eyeball comes out of the socket, Person B is not allowed to do the exact same thing to Person A because of other results that might ensue from the revenge (such as possible damage that may be caused to the brain or the head). So, how do we know this? Because the scholars figured it. (However, the Qur’an makes it very clear that it’s best to forgive – it’s just that it’s realistic enough to understand that it can’t demand everyone to turn the other check, requiring everyone to forgive their criminals.)

[Importantly, let me point out that the "eye for an eye" verse can be read as a law that was specific to the Jews, since the introduction of that verse should not be ignored. And it's also been argued that that verse is talking specifically about murder cases. More on this later.]

Hence, a slave is not worth the same as a free person; a woman is not worth the same as a man; a homosexual is not worth the same as a heterosexual; a “normal” (heterosexual male/man or female/woman) is not worth the same as an intersex individual or any other sexual minority; a rich person is not worth the same as a poor person; a child is not worth the same as an adult. And so on. (I’m not deciding whether this should be the case or not; I’m only stating what it is according to Islamic law.) Interestingly, the Qur’an does not seem to make any reference to non-female and non-male members of the world, such as inter-sex individuals, and so for one to claim that the Qur’an covers every single topic in the world is an erroneous statement. One wonders, for example, what portion of the inheritance they are to gain, since the Qur’an recognizes only daughters and sons, no sexes/genders that fall in between. (And, contrary to popular opinion, inter-sex individuals do exist, and I’m referring here to those people who have neither or both the male and female reproductive organs.)

So, next time someone tells you that “in Islam, …” ask them what “Islam” refers to in that context. It can mean the Qur’an only, hadiths only, the scholars’ opinions, the consensus, a norm in a Muslim society or Muslim societies, the opinion of only one madhhab or all four, or even some reforms in a Muslim state (e.g., whether a married man can have another wife without his wife’s consent or knowledge).

Coming up in this series:

Part II: Origins of Islamic Law
a) Background/context
Part III: Sources of Islamic Law
Part IV: Women in Islamic Law
a) A woman’s Consent in a Marriage
b) the dower and how Islamic law sees it (caution: the Jurist/scholar al-Shafi, founder of the Shafi School of thought, termed the dower “price of the vulva.” The dower is the gift (usually money or jewelry) that the groom gives to his bride at the time of the marriage, and although it’s supposed to be given before the consummation of the marriage, some scholars say it’s okay if the husband gives it after the marriage. And whereas most Muslims today insist that the purpose of the dower is so that the wife will have enough to live on in case she gets divorced and doesn’t have a job or in case her husband dies and she has no other reliable financial support system, the truth is that, according to the early Muslim scholars, the dower is what gives the husband full control over his wife’s sexuality: he cannot have sex with her until he gives her the dower. Yet, what does the Qur’an say? This: And give unto the women (whom ye marry) free gift of their marriage portions; but if they of their own accord remit unto you a part thereof, then ye are welcome to absorb it (in your wealth). (Qur’an, 4:4) In other words, if the woman does not want to get the mahr/dower from her husband, it’s perfectly all right. But because Islamic law believes that the sole purpose of the dower is for the husband to access his wife at his delight, whenever he wants regardless of whether the wife is in the mood for it or not, it makes it obligatory for the husband to give the wife her dower. But I’ll discuss this in detail when I reach this section of Islamic law.)
c) Divorce
d) Child Custody
e) Punishment for Women Apostates (versus that of men apostates)
f) the jurists on the woman's dress code

Part V: The Role of Islamic Feminism in Interpreting Islamic Law

Feel free to offer your opinions as well as to correct me wherever I am wrong. I will appreciate it!
But bear with me - I have a lot to say, and I need to get it out of my system. I'll try to provide references for every claim I make whenever I believe it's necessary, but if I don't do so in cases where the readers deem necessary, please don't hesitate to point it out to me.

Thank you!

Reza Aslan's "The Keeper of the Keys"

Aslan, Reza. "The Keeper of the Keys: Muhammad in Mecca" (Chapter 2) No god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam. New York: Random House, 2005.

Reza Aslan holds degrees in Religion from Santa Clara University, Harvard University, and the University of California, Santa Barbara, as well as a Master of Fine Arts from the University of Iowa. He also writes for the Daily Beast (an American news reporting and opinion website) and is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (an American nonprofit organization committed to improving the understanding of U.S. foreign policy and international affairs) and the Los Angeles Institute for the Humanities. His first book, No God but God: the Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam is an international bestseller and has been translated into thirteen different languages. He is also the author of Beyond Fundamentalism: Confronting Religious Extremism in a Globalized Age.

In Chapter 2 of his book No God but God, Aslan provides two different translations of verse 4:34 of the Quran, the verse that seems to command men to beat their wives if the latter are disobedient. Offering various meanings of the Arabic terms qawwam and adribuhunna, both which have multiple meanings, Aslan argues that these terms should not be seen as conclusive, because how one interprets the terms depends on one’s overall understanding of the Quran. He then declares that Umar, the third caliph of the Muslim community after Prophet Muhamamd’s death, was a misogynist who sought to confine women to their homes—and his violent attitude towards women was, Aslan says, acknowledged by Aisha, the Prophet’s youngest wife, who refused to allow him to marry her sister. To support his argument, Aslan narrates a series of misogynistic acts by Umar. He explains that the reason that many Muslim women, some of whom are self-identified feminists, are fighting to have their exegesis of the Quran heard is that their voice has been missing from Islamic scholarship. It is not that they accuse Islam of being a woman-hating religion, he clarifies; it is that the Quran has been in the control of men who have interpreted the Quran from an overly patriarchal point of view that has subjugated women.

Ziba Mir-Hosseini's "Stretching the Limit"

Mir-Hosseini, Ziba. “Stretching the Limit: A Feminist Reading of the Shari’a in Post Khomeini Iran,” in Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives, ed. Mai Yamani. New York: New York UP, 1996.

Ziba Mir-Hosseini is an Iranian anthropologist who works as a freelance researcher and is a consultant on gender and development issues. She has also conducted extensive fieldwork in Iran and Morocco. Her other works include Feminism and the Islamic Republic: Dialogues with the Ulema and Islam and Gender: the Religious Debate in Contemporary Islam. She has also produced two documentaries with Kim Longinotto on contemporary issues in Iran: Divorce Iranian Style and Runaway. Dr Mir-Hosseini is currently a professor in the Hauser Global School Law Program at New York University.

In “Stretching the Limits,” Mir-Hosseini poses the argument that a feminist re-reading of the Shari’a is possible and legitimate and not simply a reaction to western values. It may have been reactionary in the early 20th century when Muslims used Islam to resist the western values of their imperialists. Her essay is a discussion of contemporary feminist movements in Iran, shaped in one way by the revolutionary women’s magazine called Zanan. She examines feminist matters that include headship of the husband, wife’s obedience, and a husband’s alleged right to beat his wife. By providing the perspectives of the authors and publishers of Zanan and the sort of debates that the publication encourages and welcomes, Mir-Hosseini demonstrates that Muslim women in Iran indeed are challenging orthodox interpretations of the Quran and have succeeded in projecting change in social and religious laws, such as divorce.

Asma Barlas's "Globalizing Equality"

Barlas, Asma. “Globalizing Equality: Muslim Women, Theology, and Feminisms,” in On Shifting Ground: Middle Eastern Women in the Global Era, ed. Fera Simone. New York: Feminist Press, 2005.

Asma Barlas holds a PhD in International Studies from the University of Denver and an M.A. in Journalism from the University of Punjab in Pakistan. She is currently a professor of Politics and the director of the Center for the Study of Culture, Race, and Ethnicity at Ithaca College, New York. Barlas was granted the position of Spinoza Chair in Philosophy at the University of Amsterdam in the Netherlands in Spring 2008.

In this piece, Barlas attempts to provide a reading of the Quran from a perspective that is conducive to promotion of sexual equality. Her main focus, however, is to critically describe the role of Information Technology, specifically the Internet, in enabling democracy in Muslim societies: she detects the emergence of new forms of Islam through the Internet, where traditional authoritative scholars are seemingly been replaced with anonymous persons. Convinced that certain readings of the Quran can offer sexual equality, she maintains that Muslims should find liberation through re-reading of the Holy Text rather than turning to western notions of freedom and equality.

Asghar Ali's "Islam, Women, and Gender Justice"

Ali, Asghar. “Islam, Women, and Gender Justice” in Islam Women and Gender Justice. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2001.

Asghar Ali is trained in commentary on Quran, hadith, and Islamic jurisprudence. He has authored over 40 books, including Islam and Its Relevance to Our Age and Rights of Women in Islam, and is known for his work on liberation theology in Islam. A staunch advocate of human rights, justice, and equality, he is the founding Chairman of Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN), the purpose of which is to promote human rights and inter-faith understanding in Asia; he is also the director of the Indian Institute of Islamic Studies, which promotes peace through research and studies from human rights perspectives.

In his article “Islam, Women, and Gender Justice,” Ali introduces several arguments of progressive Muslim thought. His main argument is that gender justice will not be possible within Islam so long as Muslims continue accepting the current Sharia laws, which were codified during the second and third centuries after Islam’s arrival, as infallible and divine. Although the ulema (“learned,” scholars) of those centuries who constructed laws for Muslims were learned, he states, they were still humans and thus fallible – and products of their times and societies. Once Muslims begin realizing that the violence and mistreatment of Muslim women is a result of the classical interpretations of Islam and make a move towards re-interpretations, then Muslim women will be able to receive the justice that God Himself has granted them. Ali seems to suggest that if practices like triple divorce, which puts women in a profoundly difficult situation, is going to pose more harms than benefits to women and the rest of society, then it cannot be Islamic and must be re-evaluated. He insists that Quranic verse 4:34, which claims men to be the women’s “qawwamun” (often translated as “above” or “superior” or “maintainer” or “higher”), has undergone great changes in interpretations, evidence that interpretations can not only vary from person to person but may also change with time. He also believes that the burden of representing Islam properly is placed almost entirely on the Muslim woman, since the man enjoys the fruits of the woman’s restrictions.

Nazira Zain-ed-Din's “Unveiling and Veiling"

Zain-ed-Din, Nazira. “Unveiling and Veiling: On the Liberation of the Woman and Social Renewal in the Islamic World,” in Opening the Gates: A Century of Arab Feminist Writing, ed. Margot Badran and Miriam Cooke. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1990.

Nazira Zain-ed-Din, considered the first Arab woman to offer a detailed re-interpretation of the Quran in favor of women's rights, was born in Lebanon in 1905. Her father was a scholar of Islamic jurisprudence and strongly supported her education and intellectual growth. When she published her book Unveiling and Veiling in 1928 at the age of 20, she received severe threats, especially from Muslim clerics and jurists, because of her proposal that the Quran be re-interpreted, because the current interpretations are oppressive to Muslim women. Her death date is unknown.

In “Unveiling and Veiling,” Zain-ed-Din refutes that the veil (niqab in Arabic) as an Islamic obligation for Muslim women. She compares the Eastern and Western societies, defining the former as veiled and the latter as unveiled, and has concluded that the unveiled parts of the world tend to be far more intellectually advanced than the veiled countries. She argues that the niqab is an insult to not just women but all of society, and finds it unintelligent that morality is measured by how veiled a woman is. Zain-ed-Din also asserts that a woman’s veiling implies that she cannot protect herself without it and that it is a great hindrance in her advancement; she refutes the concept of modesty and morality by challenging men to wear the veil as well if they are any more moral, chaste, and virtuous than women are. She finds the notion and implication of man’s domination over woman harmful for society, maintaining that the misconception of the superiority of man in terms of inheritance, testimony, ad polygamy are to men’s own disadvantage. She supports this argument using the Quran, sayings of the Prophet, and interpretations of early Muslim scholars like Mohammad Abduh (d. 1905).

Sa'diyya Shaikh's "Tafsir of Praxis"

Shaikh, Sa’diyya. “A Tafsir of Praxis: Gender, Marital Violence, and Resistance in South African Muslim Community,” in Violence against Women in Contemporary World Religion: Roots and Cures, eds. Daniel C. Maguire and Sa’diyya Shaikh. Cleveland: The Pilgrim Press, 2007.

Sa'diyya Shaikh obtained her PhD from Temple University on Marriage, Sexuality and Gender. Her research and teaching interests focus on Islamic Studies – primarily on Sufism, Islamic feminism, and Islamic law, among other sub-topics. Her publications include her studies on issues pertinent to Muslim women and gender violence, feminist approaches to hadith and Quranic exegesis, and theoretical reflections on Islam and feminism. Shaikh is currently involved in research project that focuses on sexuality, marriage, HIV/Aids, and reproductive choices of South African Muslim women.

In the article “A Tafsir of Praxis,” Shaikh proposes an additional perspective that needs to be developed within contemporary thought of feminist exegesis of the Quran. This perspective, she argues, reflects on the real life experiences of Muslim women. Shaikh considers the different ways in which Muslim women in contemporary South Africa have experienced violence, focusing on their interpretations, contestations, and redefinitions of the dominant understanding of Islam. She argues in support of her subjects’ understanding of the Quran, contending that Quranic exegesis needs to be re-evaluated and re-defined such that these women’s understanding of Islam based on their experiences should count as a mode of exegesis. Focusing on verse 4:34 of the Quran, often used to buttress violence against women, Shaikh also provides a literature review of the verse from classical male perspectives to contemporary feminist ones, thus demonstrating the fact that all interpretations are done in particular contexts and in compliance with the social standards of the time in which they are done. All but one of the women she interviewed for her study opposed their husband’s violence in both religious and ethical terms, and all stated that God would never approve of the violence they suffered. As such, Shaikh maintains that women should be allowed to contribute to interpretations of the Quran based on their experiences.

Riffat Hassan's "Equal before Allah?"

Hassan, Riffat. "Equal before Allah? Woman-Man Equality in the Islamic Tradition," in Harvard Divinity Bulletin 17/2 (1987).

Riffat Hassan is a Pakistani-American theologian and scholar on the Quran. She received her PhD from Durham University in Islamic Philosophy in 1968 and has taught in many institutions, including Oklahoma State University and Harvard University. She is currently a professor at the University of Louisville.

In her feminist theological study of women’s position in Islam, Riffat Hassan states that in spite of the fact that early Islam witnessed the involvement of significant women like Aisha and Khadija (the Prophet’s wives) and Rabia al-Basri (an outstanding Sufi woman), Islam has remained a patriarchal domain even until today. Patriarchal figures have traditionally defined for women their roles and status. While Muslim women have historically accepted this until recently, Hassan observes, many of them are now standing up because they realize that Islam is being used to oppress them rather than to liberate them. Comparing Christian and Jewish scriptures to hadith narrations that pertain to women, Hassan finds strong resemblances among the three, the most important of which concerns the subjugation of women. Hassan makes a strong appeal to Muslims to more humane and feminist interpretations of Islam for the sake of a healthier global Muslim community.

Amina Wadud's "Qur'an and Woman"

Wadud, Amina. Qur'an and Woman:Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman's Perspective. Oxford UP, 1993.

Amina Wadud, a convert to Islam, received her B.S. from the University of Pennsylvania in 1975, her MA. in Near Eastern Studies, and her PhD. in Arabic and Islamic Studies from the University of Michigan in 1988. During graduate school, she studied advanced Arabic in Egypt at the American University in Cairo, along with Quranic studies and tafsir (exegesis) at Cairo University; she also took a Philosophy course at Al-Azhar University in Cairo. She received full professorship of Islamic Studies at Virginia Commonwealth University and is currently (2010) a visiting professor at the Center for Religious and Cross Cultural Studies at Gadjah Mada University in Indonesia. She is also the author of Inside the Gender Jihad: Women's Reform in Islam.

In Quran and Woman, Wadud analyzes the concept of justice in the Quran. She argues that too many Quranic verses and words used to support the subjugation and negative treatment of women are Quranic solutions for particular problems and not universal principles. The book shows how important it is to identify careless, restrictive, and oppressive interpretations of terms and contexts, demonstrating why careful, contextualized readings are necessary, especially when their consequences are as damaging as they have proven in most Muslim societies. Wadud also asserts that social justice is one of the ultimate and critical aims of the Quran. Hence, if Muslims are to strive for social justice, it becomes absolutely necessary to challenge patriarchy and replace it with a more egalitarian society that will encourage the participation of all members of the society equally. Furthermore, she argues, if Muslims must keep believing that the Quran is for all people of all times, then they must take the different times and societies into consideration—particularly where the roles of women and men are concerned--since different cultures may have different roles for its gendered members.

Azizah al-Hibri's "Introduction to Muslim Women's Rights"

Al-Hibri, Azizah. "An Introduction to Muslim Women's Rights." Windows of Faith: Muslim Women Scholar-activists in North America. Webb, Gisela, ed. (Syracuse: Syracuse UP, 2000).

Azizah al-Hibri obtained her PhD and J.D. from the University of Pennsylvania. She is the founding editor of Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy and president and founder of KARMAH: Muslim Women Lawyers for Human Rights. Currently a professor at the University of Richmond, al-Hibri has been a Fulbright scholar who has written extensively on Muslim women’s rights and human rights in Islam. Her other works include “An Islamic Perspective on Domestic Violence” (give book or journal title; if journal, then also date) and “Redefining Muslim Women’s Roles in the Next Century” (same as previous).

In "An Introduction to Muslim Women’s Rights,” Azizah al-Hibri presents the argument that Muslim jurists, the primary interpreters of Islam, are, like other humans, products of their societies and are therefore prone to interpreting the Quran and Islamic law in the patriarchal context in which they lived. As legitimate as this observation is, she argues, it is overlooked by the majority of Muslims because of their acceptance of the patriarchal interpretations of Islam. Al-Hibri centers her argument on the concept of tawhid, or the belief in a single God, and on shirk, the opposite of tawhid and the belief that someone else’s will is equal or superior to God’s will. She asserts that God emphasizes His Oneness throughout the Quran and tells humans that He created them from one nafs (soul); this reemphasizes the oneness and equality of all humans, regardless of their gender. Further, she maintains, in God’s own words, the best and most honored in the eyes of God is the one most pious, a reminder to humans that gender plays no role in inferiority and superiority—only piety does. Referring to the “arrogant reasoning” that men are naturally better than or superior to women as “Satanic logic,” she states that Satan was relegated from a sublime position to the lowest one possible because he believed himself to be naturally superior to Adam. Equally important to al-Hibri is the Islamic philosophy and importance of change: in order for the status of Muslim women to improve, it is only reasonable—and necessary—that Muslims delve into this principle in order to figure out how to permit positive change, which should be gradual as opposed to radical. She also reminds Muslims that God’s purpose in making divine laws was to advance public interests; hence any rulings that are harmful to society at large should be scrutinized for alternative interpretations. In her view, the concepts of guardianship, maintenance, polygyny (marriage of a man to multiple women), and divorce are among the rulings that need to be re-evaluated and re-read in context in order for Muslim societies to bestow on women the rights that Islam has guaranteed them.

Introduction to Islamic Feminism

I intend to continue presenting my series of "feminist interpretations of the Qur'an" posts, but this might be useful for those who are unsure about what Islamic feminism is, what types there are, and what exactly Islamic feminists want. Let me say that I o longer use "Islamic feminist" and "Muslim feminist" interchangeably. The difference between the two, I've decided is this:

An Islamic feminist is one who believes that Islam can be or should be used to reclaim women's rights in Muslim/other societies; she/he is not necessarily a Muslim.
A Muslim feminist is a Muslim who struggles for or at least believes in women's rights, whether or not that means using the Qur'an for support; he/she is necessarily a Muslim but not necessarily an Islamic feminist.

All right, now. Moving on to this "Introduction."

I. Introduction

a. Definition: “a feminist discourse and practice articulated within an Islamic paradigm.” – Margot Badran

b. How it’s different from “western” feminism

i. The importance of religion (Islam) in Islamic feminism

II. Methodologies of Islamic feminists

i. The classic Islamic methodology of ijtihad (“independent investigation of religious sources”) and tafsir (exegesis; interpretation of the Qur’an)

ii. Methods and tools of linguistics, history, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology

iii. Their own experiences and questions as women

1. “Classical and post-classical interpretations of the Qur’an/Islam have been based on men’s experiences, male-centered questions, and the overall patriarchal societies in which they lived.”[1]

a. ex: When defining aurah (an Arabic term the Qur’an uses for parts of the body that must be covered but does not specify as to what exactly those parts are), the Muslim (male) scholars had only their own experiences and views to rely upon in setting guidelines and rules for Muslim women to observe.

III. Women in Islamic feminism

a. The argument that if Islam liberated women in 7^th century Arabia by granting them rights that may have been or were radical at the time in most other societies (rights such as those of divorce, education, choosing their own marriage partners, owning property), then it should liberate them in all other times and societies as well. In other words, if Islam’s intention is to advance their rights, it should be re-interpreted in each time period to exemplify this.

b. Re-readings of Qur’anic verses relevant to women (e.g., 4:34) (note the difference in the underlined words and phrases)

i. A traditional interpretation/translation of verse 4:34:

Men are the protectors and maintainers of women, because Allah has given the one more (strength) than the other, and because they support them from their means. Therefore the righteous women are devoutly obedient, and guard in (the husband's) absence what Allah would have them guard. As to those women on whose part ye fear disloyalty and ill-conduct, admonish them (first), (Next), refuse to share their beds, (And last) beat them (lightly); but if they return to obedience, seek not against them Means (of annoyance): For Allah is Most High, great (above you all). (Translator Yusuf Ali)

ii. A feminist interpretation of the same verse:

Men are the support of women as God gives some more means than others, and because they spend of their wealth (to provide for them). So women who are virtuous are obedient to God and guard the hidden as God has guarded it. As for women you feel are averse, talk to them suasively; then leave them alone in bed (without molesting them) and go to bed with them (when they are willing). If they open out to you, do not seek an excuse for blaming them. Surely God is sublime and great. (Translator Ahmed Ali)

c. Re-reading the hijab verses (dress code)

i. Hina Azam’s article “The Hijab at Cross-Purposes: Conflicting Models of Erotic in Popular Islamic Advice Literature”

IV. Homosexuality in Islamic feminism

a. Scott Kugle’s book Homosexuality in Islam

i. Contesting traditional interpretations of Islam regarding homosexuality, arguing that the Qur’an never suggests a rejection of homosexuals

1. a re-telling of the story of Lot: his people were condemned not because they were homosexuals but because they did not show respect to his guests and attempted to rape his guests. The Qur’an is thus against forced sexual acts

V. Other forms of Islamic feminism

a. Accepting traditional interpretations of Islam as empowering women

b. Using traditional understandings of Islam to reclaim (read: not gain) their rights as outlined in the Qur’an and hadiths (narrations of Prophet Muhammad)

VI. Conclusions and Discussion

a. How do Muslim feminist interpreters of the Qur’an avoid the bias of the classical and post-classical male interpreters? How do we know when we are being biased unless someone who experiences prejudice a result of our interpretations makes it known to us?

b. How do Muslim feminists deal with the fact that the Qur’an never speaks to women directly in the Qur’an, that it addresses women as a “them” (hunna in Arabic) and men as a “you (plural)” (kum in Arabic)? How, for instance, is a feminist reading of the Qur’an possible when the Qur’an itself puts women behind an invisible veil, when God Herself never talks to women directly and uses men as a medium through which to reach women?

[1] Margot Badran, “Islamic Feminism: What’s in a Name?” http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2002/569/cu1.htm

Fatima Mernissi's "The Veil and the Male Elite"

Mernissi, Fatima. Women and Islam: An Historical and Theological Enquiry. Trans. Mary Jo Lakeland. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991. (Also titled The Veil And The Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation Of Women's Rights In Islam: A Feminist Interpretation of Women’s Rights in Islam)

Fatima Mernissi is a Moroccan writer and sociologist, born into a middle-class family in 1940. She studied political science at the Sorbonne and earned her doctorate from Brandeis University in 1957. She is popularly noted as an “Islamic feminist” because of her deep interest and studies in women’s roles in Islam, and she is concerned with the historical development of Islamic thought and how it should be viewed in modern times. Her other works include Dreams of Trespass: Dreams of a Harem Girlhood, Women’s Rebellion and Islamic Memory, Forgotten Queens of Islam, and Doing Daily Battle.

In Women and Islam, Mernissi argues that the reason women’s rights are a problem for some modern Muslim men is not because of the Quran; it is because these rights contradict the interest of the male elite. She believes that religious texts are often manipulated, either for ideological advantage or material advantage. Since many of the original teachings of the Prophet have been manipulated by misogynists, Mernissi explicates, Muslims must be careful when accepting certain anti-women hadith as authentic. Mernissi also challenges the idea of hadiths accepted as “authentic” by Al-Bukhari, as well as modern scholars today, without the inclusion of Aisha’s or the Prophet’s other wives’ rebuttal to those hadiths. Citing examples of “rebellious” women like Sukayna, granddaughter of Caliph Ali who was divorced at least four times and who fought with her husbands to prevent them from practicing polygamy, Mernissi points out that Muslims are suffering from amnesia and need a reminder about their past, a past in which women were respected for their intellect and stood shoulder-to-shoulder with men, as did the Prophet’s wives Aisha and Umm Salama, as well as his great-granddaughter Sukayna.

Ghada Karmi's "Women, Islam, and Patriarchalism"

Karmi, Ghada. "Women, Islam, and Patriarchalism," in Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspecttives, ed. Mai Yamani. New York: New York UP, 1996.

Ghada Karmi, a doctor of medicine, was born in Jerusalem in 1939. She has held a number of research appointments on Middle Eastern politics and culture at the School of Oriental and African Studies in the Universities of Durham and Leeds. From 1999 to 2001, she was an Associate Fellow of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, where she also led a major project on Israel-Palestinian reconciliation. Currently, Karmi is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter, and vice-chair of the Council for Arab-British Understanding.

In her article “Women, Islam, and Patriarchalism,” Karmi makes an earnest call for ijtihad (independent reasoning) in contemporary times. She identifies several aspects of Islamic law that need to be re-interpreted because, she asserts, they were formulated in a patriarchal Arab society in which the view and roles of women differed significantly from today’s time. She argues that Muslim women’s rights and access to their children after divorce need to be re-evaluated because, while women may not have been financially capable of taking care of their children at the time when these laws were constructed, many women are capable of doing so now. Karmi also advocates the re-readings and re-interpretations of several controversial Quranic verses, including 2:220, 2:223, and 4:34. She further questions the common conception that women in pre-Islamic Arabia were mistreated, suggesting that perhaps this claim is intended to make women appreciate the purported uplifting status that the patriarchal readings of the Quran give them, including those verses that appear to be pejorative to women. She explicitly states that her argument is not that the Quran is a misogynist document; it is that women are “infantilized” in the literal text of the Quran. She suggests that if the Quran is read in its historical and social contexts, different conclusions about the status and treatment of women may be drawn and applied.

Khaled Abou el-Fadl's "Speaking in God's Name"

Abou El-Fadl, Khaled. Speaking in God's Name: Islamic Law, Authority and Women. Oxford: Oneworld, 2005, chapters 2 & 7.

Khaled Abou El Fadl is currently the Omar and Azmeralda Alfi Professor of Law at University of California, Los Angeles, where he has been teaching since 1998. His expertise lies in international human rights, Islamic jurisprudence, national security law, terrorism, and legal systems. He received his J.D. from the University of Pennsylvania in 1998 and PhD in Islamic Studies from Princeton in 1999. An Islamic jurist who received 13 years of systematic instruction in Islamic jurisprudence, Khaled Abou El Fadl is known as one of the world’s leading authorities on Islamic law and Islam as well as on human rights. He has received numerous honors and distinctions, including the University of Oslo Human Rights Award and the Leo and Lisl Eitinger Prize; he was named Carnegie Scholar in Islamic Law in 2005. Abou El Fadl has authored 14 books and over 50 articles on various topics in Islam and Islamic law and has lectured on and taught Islamic law throughout the United States and Europe for over twenty years.

Speaking in God's Name is seven chapters long, but the two chapters most relevant to progressive, contemporary, and feminist interpretations are chapters 2 and 7. Chapter 2, titled “The Authoritative,” is a thorough and extensive discussion on the difficulties that a scholar, jurist, and/or interpreter comes across when interpreting a holy text. In particular, it challenges the perception that there is only one way to interpret a holy text and reminds the readers that the Prophet Muhammad is known to have said that all mujtahids (people who use independent judgment to settle a legal matter)are correct. This is intended as a reminder that scholars do not, and should not, agree on everything, and that such disagreements should be acceptable; after all, Islam has a long-established tradition of disputation and disagreement that started during the time of the Prophet. He observes that, unfortunately, views that do agree with those of the majority fare often shunned and stigmatized as “western,” and the bearer of the view is considered a heretic. Further, he points out that there is no formal institutional and hierarchal structure in (Sunni) Islam; God and the Prophet Muhammad are represented by texts, and it is to God, not man, to whom the Muslim is obligated to submit. These texts are therefore the only authorities that count, and the challenge throughout Islamic history and Muslim scholarship on Islam has been discerning what these texts really mean.

Chapter 7, entitled “Faith-based Assumptions and Determinations Demeaning to Women,” discusses and critiques several hadiths that are seemingly demeaning to women, including those about women being cursed if they do not submit to their husbands’ sexual whims, women’s obligations to prostrate to their husbands if God has so willed, and women as the source of fitnah (“disorder” or “turbulence”) in society. The author challenges these hadith by citing both Quranic verses and other hadiths that contradict those that dehumanize and objectify women.

Asma Barlas's "Believing Women in Islam"

Continuing the series.

Barlas, Asma. "Believing women" in Islam:Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur'an. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002.

Asma Barlas holds a PhD in International Studies from the University of Denver and an M.A. in Journalism from the University of Punjab in Pakistan. She is currently a professor of Politics and the director of the Center for the Study of Culture, Race, and Ethnicity at Ithaca College, New York. Barlas was granted the position of Spinoza Chair in Philosophy at the University of Amsterdam in the Netherlands in Spring 2008.

In Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran, Barlas argues that the Quran does not have to be read through a patriarchal lens and that, in fact, it is inherently an anti-patriarchal text. Although she does not deny that the Quran can be read in patriarchal modes, she convincingly explains that it can be read through other modes as well, keeping in mind the fact that all texts are polysemic and are therefore open to multiple interpretations. In fact, she admits that it is difficult making the kind of claim that she does because there are Quranic verses that support notions of gender inequality and male dominance. Through this idea, she challenges those readings of the Quran that not only support but also encourage the oppression of women. She asserts that, with such unjust readings, Muslims are ignoring the fact that the Text has actually been misread. Her intention, she states, is to demonstrate that Muslim women can fight for equality using the teachings of the Quran itself. Expounding upon the notion of authority in early Islamic thought, Barlas concludes that classical scholars and interpreters of Islam incorporated the concepts of inequality and patriarchy into Islam to justify existing thoughts about women in that era, hence suggesting that what the Quran comes to teach is contingent upon who is reading it and in which contexts. She proves her claims by emphatically discussing those verses of the Quran that have been read in a manner that supports misogyny – verses that are often read out of social and historical contexts. Since misogynistic interpretations are usually supported by hadiths, narrations of Prophet Muhammad’s practices, Barlas also discusses the notion of authority and the development of the Sunnah/sunnah (typically equated with Prophet Muhammad’s—and hence the best— interpretation of the Quran) and thereby reminds Muslims of the negative impact of elevating the status of hadiths over the Quran.

Kecia Ali's "Sexual Ethics and Islam"

Ali, Kecia. Sexual Ethics in Islam: Feminist Reflections on Qur'an, Hadith, and Jurisprudence. Oxford: Oneworld, 2006.

An Assistant Professor of Religion at Boston University, Kecia Ali received her B.A. from Stanford University and her PhD in Religion from Duke University in 2002. In the 2003-2004 academic year, Ali was a research associate in Harvard Divinity School’s Women’s Studies in Religion Program. Her research interests center on Islamic religious texts, particular jurisprudence, and women as represented in both classical and contemporary Muslim discourses. Currently (2010), she serves as co-chair for the Study of Islam Section of the American Academy of Religion and is also a member of the Steering Committee for the Consultation on Religion and Sexuality.

Kecia Ali starts off her book by opening a fascinating discourse on the sexual subordination of Muslim women in Muslim cultures and in Islamic thought, using jurists like al-Shafi to back up some of her statements. She argues that some Muslim authors, like Abdul Rahman Doe, a Nigerian scholar, express the obligations of the Muslim man as if to suggest that he actually fulfills them willingly; they compare the ideal way that Muslim life is supposed to be to that of the reality of family life in the west. She also asserts that Islam as commonly practiced is a consequence of “men’s Islam,” which is the interpretation of Islam as understood by Muslim male scholars and jurists in medieval times and is sometimes misogynistic; as such, she proposes the idea of turning to the Quran alone as a guide. Further, she supports the view that the conclusions of the early jurists and scholars of Islam were influenced by their cultures and societies; hence, to universalize and eternalize their views is practically irrational. Ali addresses many controversial topics related to the Quran and/or as understood by Muslim jurists, including spousal support, the sexual availability of wives, the prohibition of marriage between Muslim women and non-Muslim men, and the husband’s authority during divorce. She explores others topics as well: dower, polygamy, the widespread insistence that homosexuality is “modern” or “western” and definitely “un-Islamic,” and permission for men to be intimately involved with their concubines—or female slaves or war captives—without being married to them, along with four wives. For each of these issues, she shares different interpretations of many scholars and jurists, both classical and modern, and considers various questions that tend to arise, or have arisen, pertaining to them. She notes, for example, that the dower has been seen as "the price of the vulva" by Muslim jurists, allowing sexual access to the wife as long as she is married to her husband. Ali goes on to challenge the accepted sexual ethics in Islamic thought as posed by both classical and modern scholars, analyzes their views, and questions the concepts of good versus evil and of forbidden versus permissible actions.

Click here to read about Asma Barlas's text and here for Leila Ahmed's.

Leila Ahmed's "Women and Gender in Islam"

Here's the first of the series on Feminist Interpretations of the Qur'an. Suggestions and feedback will be greatly appreciated! And if you've read this book, you are welcome to offer your own thoughts about the book as well. Rest assured, your opinion will be given the respect and attention it deserves.

Ahmed, Leila. Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. New Haven: Yale UP, 1992.

Leila Ahmed has served as a professor of Women’s Studies and Near Eastern Studies at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. There, she was also the director of the Women’s Studies program from 1991 to 1992. Since 2003, she has been a Victor S. Thomas Professor at the Harvard Divinity School, where she teaches courses in the Women’s Studies and Religion departments. Her other publications include A Border Passage, Edward William Lane: A Study of His Life and Work, and of British Ideas of the Middle East in the Nineteenth Century, "Arab Culture and Writing Women's Bodies," and "Between Two Worlds: The Formation of a Turn of the Century Egyptian Feminist."

Women and Gender in Islam is a historical analysis of the subordination of women. Ahmed argues that Muslim women’s subjugation seems to have arisen as a result of urbanization. Exploring the concept of unveiling in Assyrian law (ca. 1200 BCE), she lists the types of women who had to veil through Middle Eastern history as well as those who were exempt from the practice. Ahmed concludes that it was through cultural exchanges that women have been subordinated in Muslim societies. Early Muslim jurists ensured women’s seclusion in society by defining certain Arabic terms, such as aurah, in a way that denied women access to the public sphere; for example, scholars like Ibn al-Hajj (ca. 13th century CE), asserted that a woman’s voice must be kept private because it has the potential to attract males.

Click here to read about Kecia Ali's text.

The Challenges of Verse 4:34

The post below is on verse 4:34, the challenges it's posed, its different translations and meanings, and how, in 4:34, the term nushooz magically means "disloyalty/ill-conduct" (because it relates to women!) but in verse 4:128, the exact same word means "desertion" (because it relates to men!) -- in verse 58:11, it means "desertion" as well. "Desertion" is the actual meaning of the Arabic nushooz, too, you see... well, that's what appears to make the most sense. I may discover many years later that I'm wrong, but I know for sure I'm right for now.

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I have been studying it for the past 5 years, and I still haven't made a solid conclusion about it. I want us to look at different interpretations and different translations of the verse, since it actually implies that man is the head of the woman. I want us to see how we justify the beating/hitting of women, oftentimes saying, "Oh, the man is allowed to beat his wife but only lightly! it's not like you can abuse her just like that!" etc.

Here are some of the translations of verse 4:34 (NOTE: Anything in parenthesis is the translator's explanation, understanding and is not necessarily a part of the original Arabic text.)

- Men are the {qawwam} of women, because Allah has given the one more than the other, and because they support them from their means. Therefore the righteous women are {qanitat}, and guard in the husband's absence what Allah would have them guard. As to those women on whose part ye fear {nushuz}, admonish them first, then refuse to share their beds, and finally {adriboo} them; but when they {ataa:} to you, then seek not against them means of annoyance: For Allah is Most High, great above you all. Source

(Note that in the above version, the original Arabic terms have been kept to show that it's these words that have been mistranslated, misinterprets, or are still open to interpretation -- or are used to justify violence against women or the inferiority of women.)

- Men are (meant to be righteous and kind) guardians of women because God has favored some more than others and because they (i.e. men) spend out of their wealth. (In their turn) righteous women are (meant to be) devoted and to guard what God has (willed to be) guarded even though out of sight (of the husband). As for those (women) on whose part you fear ill-will and nasty conduct, admonish them (first), (next) separate them in beds (and last) beat them. But if they obey you, then seek nothing against them. Behold, God is most high and great. Source

- Men shall take full care of women with the bounties which God has bestowed more abundantly on the former than on the latter, and with what they may spend out of their possessions. And the righteous women are the truly devout ones, who guard the intimacy which God has [ordained to be] guarded. And as for those women whose ill-will you have reason to fear, admonish them [first]; then leave them alone in bed; then beat them; and if thereupon they pay you heed, do not seek to harm them. Behold, God is indeed most high, great.” (Translator: Laleh Bakhtiar - female.)

- Men are the protectors and maintainers of women, because Allah has given the one more (strength) than the other, and because they support them from their means. Therefore the righteous women are devoutly obedient, and guard in (the husband's) absence what Allah would have them guard. As to those women on whose part ye fear disloyalty and ill-conduct, admonish them (first), (Next), refuse to share their beds, (And last) beat them (lightly); but if they return to obedience, seek not against them Means (of annoyance): For Allah is Most High, great (above you all). (Translator: Yusuf Ali)

- Men are in charge of women, because Allah hath made the one of them to excel the other, and because they spend of their property (for the support of women). So good women are the obedient, guarding in secret that which Allah hath guarded. As for those from whom ye fear rebellion, admonish them and banish them to beds apart, and scourge them. Then if they obey you, seek not a way against them. Lo! Allah is ever High, Exalted, Great. (Translator: Pickthal)

- Men are the maintainers of women because Allah has made some of them to excel others and because they spend out of their property; the good women are therefore obedient, guarding the unseen as Allah has guarded; and (as to) those on whose part you fear desertion, admonish them, and leave them alone in the sleeping-places and beat them; then if they obey you, do not seek a way against them; surely Allah is High, Great. (Translator: Shakir)

Source for the above three translations.

- Men are the support of women as God gives some more means than others, and because they spend of their wealth (to provide for them). So women who are virtuous are obedient to God and guard the hidden as God has guarded it. As for women you feel are averse, talk to them suasively; then leave them alone in bed (without molesting them) and go to bed with them (when they are willing). If they open out to you, do not seek an excuse for blaming them. Surely God is sublime and great. (Translator: Ahmed Ali)

More available at this link.

So, note how the term "nushooz" has been translated when it comes to women (disobedience, disloyalty, ill-conduct, etc.) ... EVEN though it literally means "to rise, to go above, to desert, give up" (see, for example, verse 58:11 of the Quran: "O you who believe! When you are told to make room in the assemblies, (spread out and) make room: (ample) room will Allah provide for you. And when you are told "inshuzoo" (to rise up), Allah will raise up to suitable ranks and degrees those of you who believe and who have been granted knowledge. Allah is well-acquainted with what you do.")

Annnnd guess what "nushooz" means when it comes to men, though. Somehow, it means "desertion" or "oppression"... as in, if the husband is being oppressive to his wife, or if he deserts her, etc. (I must say, beating your wife is oppressive. In which case verse :128 has a great suggestion for women who are being treated like that by their husbands.)

4:128 reads: "If a wife fears cruelty or nushooz on her husband's part, there is no blame on them if they arrange an amicable settlement between themselves; and such settlement is best, even though men's souls are swayed by greed. But if you do good and practice self-restraint, God is well-acquainted with what you do."

One must ask ... why the translation of the Arabic word "nushooz" when it comes to men and when it comes to the command/suggestion of giving up or yielding a position, but when it comes to women, it somehow magically means ill-conduct or disloyalty?

Yet, nothing in the Quran makes it obvious that the woman has to obey her husband. She's told, just like men are told, that she must be obedient to God, just as men are to be obedient to God. "Qaanit" doesn't necessarily mean obedience to man/husband: It's the same term used when God is saying that "obedient men and obedient women ... for them is reward promised by God."

Earlier scholars of Islam interpreter it to mean obedience of woman to her husband, clearly because women in most, if not all, societies are told to obey their husbands. It made sense to them, and we can't condemn them for having written volumes on the concept of obedience in Islam (of a woman to her husband).

But today, thankfully, scholars are re-evaluating the implications of verse 4:34 and are trying to figure out what exactly it means.

This link gives explanations of classical scholars, their commentary, on the same verse. It's really interesting how the author writes at the end, "Therefore, due to all of the statements and interpretations of the word “nushooz”, one can objectively state that nushooz includes the refusal of a woman to answer the husband’s call to her bed."

I'm like, ummm... okay, but this isn't from God; it's from men, humans. Why should their views be binding?

Anyway, just a little wonder. While the Quran doesn't make it obvious that man is the head of the woman, humans' translations and interpretations do;we see what the woman is viewed as when we read commentaries of every Quranic verse that pertains to women. In most cases, it's disturbing. Woman meaning wife, of course, since mothers are always giving a sublime position.

Female Giving a Khutba

Something very, VERY interesting -- and uplifting -- I'd like to share here.

Sa'diyya Shaikh giving a khutba (the Friday sermon).

Click here to watch.